Texas v. DeLay Posted by: Dale Franks
on Wednesday, September 28, 2005
I don't hold any particular brief for Tom DeLay, but after having read the indictment, and even with the understanding that any half-way competent prosecutor could get a grand jury to indict a ham sandwich, as the saying goes, I'm still not sure exactly what Tom DeLay is supposed to have done. Usually an indictment against an individual lists some crime he's committed, or, in the case of conspiracy, some overt act. As Mark Levin wrote earlier today:
Here's my first take on this indictment (I've only read the indictment and nothing more for now): The indictment is three pages in length. Other than a statement that "one or more" of 3 individuals, including Tom DeLay, entered into an illegal conspiracy, I can't find a single sentence tying Tom DeLay to a crime. That is, there's not a single sentence tying DeLay to the contribution. The indictment describes the alleged conduct of two other individuals, but nothing about DeLay. You would think if Ronnie Earle had even a thin reed of testimony linking DeLay to the contribution, it would have been noted in the indictment to justify the grand jury's action. Moreover, not only is there no information about DeLay committing acts in furtherance of a conspiracy, there's no information about DeLay entering into a conspiracy. I honestly believe that unless there's more, this is an egregious abuse of prosecutorial power. It's a disgrace. I understand that not everything has to be contained in an indictment, but how about something!
... The "facts" in the indictment do not make a case for illegal contributions by the corporations because the indictment doesn't even allege that the corporate contributions were made within 60 days of an election. The essential argument is that a contribution was made to the RNC from a Texas PAC, which had received these corporate contributions (the dates of which we don't know), and certain candidates in Texas received money (presumably from the RNC), although not necessarily tracking with the corporate contributions to the PAC. If this sounds convoluted, it is. Based on this information, I see no illegal contribution, let alone no tie to Tom DeLay. I also note that none of the corporations that made contributions have been indicted. (And, by the way, the Texas conspiracy statute requires evidence that those charged actually intended to commit a crime. So, the bar for the government is significant.) The more I analyze this, the more outrageous this appears. I only hope the mainstream media will do a better job reporting on this than on Hurricane Katrina.
Yes, yes, I know, in a Federal conspiracy case, only one of the conspirator has to commit an overt act, but from what I can tell this looks like a pretty flimsy indictment, considering that "the Texas conspiracy statute requires evidence that those charged actually intended to commit a crime". If you're looking for any of that evidence in the indictment, well, go ahead. Good luck with that.
And Mr. Earle has a history of getting weak indictments. His 1996 indictment against Kay Bailey Hutchison was quashed in a few days. And, of course, his case against Texas Attorney General Jim Mattox turned out, at trial, to be a bigger disaster than the Titanic. This is not to say that Mr. Earle is some sort of partisan hack. I, personally, think he's just an overly zealous prosecutor, who occasionally leaps before he looks. Still, having said that, as Ed Morrissey points out, if he isn't a partisan hack, he's acting a lot like one in this particular case. And not a particularly ethical hack either.
Earle has made no bones about his personal and political vendetta. He has openly used this investigation as a Democratic Party fundraising device, charging up Democratic rallies such as one last May that raised over $100,000, featuring Earle on the stump talking about the case and DeLay. According to the American Bar Association Canon of Ethics, Earle has violated DR7-107(A) as well as (B)(1). He also has clearly violated EC8-8, which states that lawyers who serve as public officers "should not engage in activities in which his personal or professional interests are or foreseeably may be in conflict with his official duties."
That has nothing to do with any question of whether DeLay violated the law, of course, but it has plenty to do with whether Earle presented a balanced and honest case to the Travis County grand jury.
Or, whether what Mr. Earle presented to the Travis County Grand jury was even a crime at all. In this case, if former Justice official Barbara Comstock is to be believed, even if Mr. Delay did what Mr. Earle alleges, no crime took place according to the Texas election law.
Neither the RNC nor RNSEC constitute a political party under Texas election law. They are considered PACs, just as the DNC is.
Corporations in Texas could have legally made contributions to the RNC or RNSEC during the period in question under Texas election law.
There was no violation of the Texas Election Code. There was no conspiracy. The underlying transaction was legal. Had corporations sent money directly to the RNC or RNSEC, the transaction would be legal. How could anyone conspire to do indirectly what could legally have been done directly?
That's a good question actually. Another good question would be, why isn't Ronnie Earle going after Texas Democrats, who appear to have done precisely the same thing? Apparently, according to the Institute on Money in State Politics, on Oct. 31, 2002, a month after DeLay's alleged conspiracy, the Texas Democratic Party did the same thing when it sent $75,000 to the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and received $75,000 back from the DNC the very same day. Indeed, as Steven Spruill put it last year:
Just to put this $190,000 deal into perspective and demonstrate the petty, vindictive nature of this partisan investigation, the study also reveals that Democrats transferred a total of approximately $11 million dollars in soft money from its national parties to fund Texas campaigns in 2002, compared to $5.2 million transferred by Republicans.
Clearly there are all sorts of folderol going on in Texas, and it isn't particularly confined to Mr. DeLay.
And the reason for all this skullduggery, if indeed, that's what it is, lies mainly because Congress has, since the 1970s, implemented increasingly onerous and foolish campaign finance laws. Campaign finance—that is to say, raising money for their campaigns—has become the primary job of our elected officials. Contribution limits, more than anything else, have made constant fund-raising a necessity. And, over time, as the real value of those limited contributions fall due to inflation, politicians have to devote more and more time to drumming up money from more contributors.
90% of these campaign finance ethics "crimes" would disappear with a few simple reforms:
a) Outlaw all contributions that do not come directly from individuals. No Unions. No Corporations. No PACs.
b) Eliminate contribution limits for individuals. Individuals may give what they want, to whomever they want, as an exercise of protected free speech.
c) Require immediate, prominent, and public disclosure of all campaign contributions.
At the very least, that way we'll know who's bought out elected representatives, and then we can vote accordingly.
I’m online with Levin’s read. Having read it myself, it merely confirms my statements last night. This was obviously thrown together at the last moment to time well with the similarly lightweight attacks on Bill Frist. It’s all for political theatre, as the Democrats have done so often in the past.
In scanning channels last night, several legal types I heard from (two in my mailbox) agree this DeLay things going to be laughed out of court.
My personal take is that there’s going to be a lot of Democrats with poop on their puss for having fallen in line behind this nonsense.
Require that anyone making a contribution be able—pursuant to IRS investigation—to demonstrate the personal wherewithal to have made the contribution. None of this, "Here’s $10,000, donate it to the Democrats." B.S.
Since Dale’s proposal would "[e]liminate contribution limits for individuals", there would be no need to funnel money through other individuals. It’s only done now to get around the individual limits.
Since Dale’s proposal would "[e]liminate contribution limits for individuals", there would be no need to funnel money through other individuals. It’s only done now to get around the individual limits.
But wouldn’t Dale’s proposal create a need for corporations, unions, and any other entities that were banned from contributing to funnel funds through indivivuals? How the hell is a corporation supposed to rent-seek if it can’t make political contributions?
Also, wouldn’t the need for certain individuals to mask their contributions still exist?
But wouldn’t Dale’s proposal create a need for corporations, unions, and any other entities that were banned from contributing to funnel funds through indivivuals?
Actually, no. They are already banned from contributing directly to condidates.
Since Dale’s proposal would "[e]liminate contribution limits for individuals", there would be no need to funnel money through other individuals. It’s only done now to get around the individual limits.
Sorry, but I see that as naive. There would be any number of reasons to conceal the source of funds. It’s a loophole, why leave it open?